| Once
crossed the single currency line, the Union must aim at new targets not
to lack go.
Just in the moment the single
currency is coming into force, the European community is withdrawing in
a moral , structural and politic crisis whose outcomes are unforeseeable.
“We are as an alpinist, “ says one of the most influencing Commissaries,
“who after reaching the top of a crest finds himself in front of three
or four ways and he does not know which of them take.”
The Euro has been an important
target for everyone, even if- on the practice side- has lessened Brussels
powers to give them to the European Central Bank of Frankfurt. And now
what do we must do? Must we dedicate to reform structures, to the widening
to the East, to pass a foreign common security politic? Or must we provide
first of all to clean up at home, eliminating wastes and bureaucratic errors
risen in these last years?
Or must we consider that,
prevailing socialist governments within the Union, Maastricht parameters
are not any more the Gospel and that we must get back to the Keynes development
policy hoping to create employment?
Or must the commission submit
to the fact that, apparently against the trend toward the single currency,
we are present at a re-nationalization process of problems, a little in
name of the well-known principle of subsidiarity, a little abhorring
the European bureaucracy many countries start to consider as an enemy?
A visit, even brief, to
the Brussels halls allows realizing how it is spread this dismay feeling.
Regarding Commissaries, among whom fortunately the Italians Mario Monti
and Emma Bonino, who are always present and make their work with enthusiasm
and efficiency, there are other commissaries whom you can see hardly more
than twice a week and who leave their Ministry management to the executives
who- due to the latest wave of scandals - are more and more afraid
to assume their own responsibilities. Even under the pressure of widening
(each member state has the right to an employees quota, that cannot be
covered by subtracting employees to other countries), the personnel has
exceeded quota 17.000, keeping on growing, even if slowly,
and salaries absorb already the 5% of the community balance.
The quite imminent changing
of the guard - besides representing a stop of new initiatives - plants
a lot of questions. It falls in a moment when, eleven of the fifteen European
governments are hold by Left man, two are great coalitions and only two
are centrist-right wing.
Even if, in some great Countries,
it is in use the tradition to name a Commissary belonging to majority and
another coming from opposition, it is unavoidable that the next Commission
will be more Left oriented than the present one. In addition, due to a
no written principle of alternate government, the presidency too
must turn to a socialist, or at least to a man (as it will be Romano Prodi)
who pleases to socialists. But if the Left, already majority, European
Council level, “would occupy “ the Commission too, many priorities at Brussels
could change, emphasising increasingly the social aspect and new management
phase coming on. Among the so called “Maastricht apostles “, that is who
want to go on the way of financial rigour and avoid Europe launching into
new adventures before settling the single currency, a big worry is spreading.
“It is clearly arousing' says a high executive who wants to remain anonymous,
“that the list of four socialist in power in the main Countries of the
Union- Schroeder, Jospin, D'Alema and, to a less extent, the same Tony
Blair “want to set apart the monetary policy and engage Europe in big and
expensive projects that could create employment. So well, here many observers
are convinced that this return of the expenditure party is premature, since
the recovery has not been carried out yet and there's the risk to compromise
the sacrifices made for years.
Concerning the “apostles
of Maastricht” they will influence next Commission, and how much resistance
they could opposite to the reviving eurospenders, it is to see. But
even if defences were dismantled at Brussels, at Frankfurt the European
Community Bank, whose management has been named before the politic change,
are putting up barricades. If the directives outcome from the informal
summit of the new government leaders at Portschach, by the middle of October,
would be translated into politic initiatives, we will find ourselves facing,
maybe for the first time in Europe, an ideological background struggle
among several institutions, that it could also produce dead and wounded.
But these ones are only
the Eurocrats torments, nowadays struggling against a series of burning
dossiers whose expirations sometime cannot be postponed. |
As
it is known the treat of Amsterdam, whose task were that of promoting the
European unit along the lines of Maastricht is a few more than an empty
box, a declaration of principles that will have an effective practice appliance
only in few cases.
But the incorporation to
the Union of Poland, Hungary, Czech, Slovenia and Cyprus first, and then
a second row of six candidates, is hanging over and everybody is aware
that it will not be possible to face it at the present conditions. In sight
there is particularly the common Agricultural Policy, that nowadays absorbs
the 44% of the community balance and the so called structural funds, destined
to help the most poor regions of the Union to bring themselves to other
regions level and that have already changed the face of countries like
Ireland and Portugal.
The so called PAC is a legacy
- lucky for some, less favourable for others- of the Europe Founding
Fathers, that is already outdated but that it is so hard to dismantle.
An important reorganization is foreseen by the so called “Agenda
2000”, due also to new obligations contracted with the GATT, but the way
is revealing hard, with strange alliances that form and undo to defend
privilege positions or to compel other countries to give up the privileges.
The target is a price lowering
to make them more competitive, global level. So the attempt is to pass
by degrees from the production subsidies policy to direct subsidies
to farmers. That means that they will be paid to warrant protection to
rural world and to avoid the exodus from land, instead of supporting agriculture.
These new subventions, instead of coming from the community cash, will
fall, at least partially, over the national governments, with the result
of transferring the charge of interventions. The difference in concepts
is colossal, and it could also bring- by degrees- to the abolition of that
monstrosities like the milk allowances, that cost to Italy thousand billion
for production looses and fines. All is aimed, besides a general balance
dimensioning, to avoid , following the entering in the EU of low productivity
but strong production countries, as Poland and Hungary, the expenses
going out of control. One by one the different dossiers, olive oil, wine,
fruits and vegetables are settled, but for meat, dairy products and seeds
items (for us the main problem is rice) the struggle is still heated.
Alike considerations concern
the structural funds that, widening to East, would go all to the
new members, leaving the present beneficiaries (among which Italy, if able
to present good project and to finance them at 50%) empty handed. The Union,
first considering the widening to East as a kind of proper act, a proper
reparation to Countries who cursed with communism for forty years , is
realizing step by step that their enter, without a long period of training
and legislative adjustment looks in most cases quite unsurmountable. I.e.
prospecting to offer free circulation in Europe to four million Pole workers,
expelled by their system, scares Germans to death, and thinking about
having Slovenia at the east frontier, able to appeal, thanks to low wages,
the north-east entrepreneurs does not enthusiasm the Italian government.
In the involved countries too it prevails the disenchantment: they
are a bit irritate of being always under examination, to loss their decisional
autonomy, so hardly regained from USSR, in favour of Europe and to be compelled
to make , at the double, a heavy normative adjustment, without any warranty
of being admitted at once to the benefits they aimed at.
Anyway something must change
to make the Commission's activity not to become only a routine. There are
huge things to do so to complete the single market and to ease the Euro
operating: first, the co-ordination of fiscal policies, observing a behaviour
code regarding companies tax matter, aimed to avoid the unfair competition
between the Union countries: on the other hand it concerns very technical
matters, unable to stimulate imagination an so to make the citizens' idea
of Europe progresses: also the European Constitution project, that the
Federalist Movement cares so much, can be useful , but it is not enough.
It's the new leaders' duty inventing a spring. But, considering the a few
retro concepts showed about economic matters, would they be able to?
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