The discussion
of wisdom in the aging person is controversial and can be followed
from several points of view.
A historical perspective
shows that in many cultures and societies, wisdom was taken for granted
as a natural development in the elderly. The aged person was looked to
as the seer or prophet in some societies, and specially respected. There
have also been periods of time in our own societies when the aged person
has been looked at as helpless and even infantile; disregarded, and pushed
aside. Particularly in the United States and Canada, as well as in some
European cultures, the elders have become vigorous, politically active,
and have left no doubt about their wisdom when it comes to representing
themselves and their own concerns.
Major psychological research,
particularly in cognitive areas, has been particularly significant in attempting
to elaborate on the development of creativity, and there is much
argument as to whether creativity evolves into wisdom, continues as creativity,
or just disappears. Questions are left unanswered as to whether wisdom
increases with longevity or stagnates. Too often the tendency is to see
all older people as gradually deteriorating intellectually with a cognitive
outcome of stasis; any ability to develop new ideas, fresh approaches,
and wisdom is seen as simply the product of a long life.
This is the concept of the
wise elder.
For many reasons, retirement
is an idea that is currently and vigorously being debated. Retirement is
questioned by many as a social experiment that both is contrived and in
itself contributes to intellectual deterioration and depression. Retirement
has been as a dream to look forward to by many, but it also represents
the imposition for some of an enforced state of giving up career, thinking,
and risk. For these people, retirement is an artificial state bearing no
relationship to the actual life cycle of those who may yet expect to live
for ten or more years and who may want to work for a good part of those
years. For many, it is insufficient to sit back and be wise (and dependent),
and it is important to be seen as contributing. We see this more often
in religious leaders and politicians, in whom it seems to be acceptable
to be older and in whom age is thought to bring wisdom.
There are many different
definitions of wisdom. Clayton (1982) defines wisdom as the ability to
grasp human nature, which is paradoxical, contradictory and subject to
continual change. Clayton discusses research into wisdom and describes
wisdom as a term used liberally “in contemporary and historical literature
to describe a number of behaviors that have been not yet received recognition
from psychologists”
(p. 315). She is careful
to state that the literature does not always show the old to be wise or
the young to lack wisdom.
Wisdom seems to have a function
throughout life in terms of guiding development. One cannot discuss wisdom
without discussing Erikson’s theory of human development, especially his
original eight stages of development (Erikson, 1950, 1959). Erikson has,
in his works, discussed thoughts about his own wisdom; and one gets the
opinion that wisdom, from Erikson’s point of view, contains much compromise
on rather than solution to life’s major problems.
Research originating in
the Max Planck Institute for Human Development in Berlin (Smith, Dixon,
and Baltes, 1985) has investigated wisdom, looking at the relationship
between intellectual growth and decline over the life span. The question
about wisdom naturally evolving from intellectual aging is not really settled
in this or other work, and wisdom is defined differently from mechanical
and pragmatic points of view.
Simonton (1990) discusses
“creativity and wisdom in aging” and states that the capacity often human
is wisdom. He reflects that, rather than living “from moment to moment
with minimal reflection and even less foresight, human beings can acquire
a broad perspective on life, discerning a larger view of life’s meaning
than permitted by a hand-to-mouth subsistence”. He relates wisdom to creativity,
looking at psychometric indicators and plotting intellectual creativity
against age. He determines that precocity and production of intellectual
material remains strong throughout life in higher intellectual groups.
“Those who are precocious also tend to display longevity, and both
precocity and longevity are positively associated with high output rates
per age unit” (p.324).
The amount of writing on
wisdom is far less than on creativity and far more specuative. Energy and
aggression to produce and be creative are more likely to occur at a younger
age. There are, nevertheless, great artists who have had long periods of
unproductivity after initial artistic masterpieces who then, when older,
go on to produce final artistic masterpieces.
Generally, development in
the later part of life has not been discussed in nearly the same way as
cognitive skills and personality in younger life. More recent research,
however, does challenge the view that the intellect deteriorates with age.
Clayton and Birren (1980) present “evidence for the plasticity of intelligence
as well as demonstrating the large influence that contextual variables
may have when compared with the role of biological factors in the adult
intellectual performance.”
As has been alluded to earlier
in this chapter, with more of four population becoming older, retirement
has lost much of its utility as a phase of demarcation in life and it has
become important to find meaningful activities and roles for those who
are older. Identifying wisdom with these older individuals offers a further
dimension of usefulness and contribution. It may not exactly be knowledge,
although certainly knowledge is part of it; the mastery of previous life
and the maturation of view can certainly be seen as part of wisdom. As
Meacham (1983) points out; the constructs of intelligence and knowledge
“take on diverse meanings as they are considered within changing social
and historical contexts” (p.111). He has a number of suggestions as to
further research in order to define wisdom better. What is obvious is that
new knowledge and wisdom are easier to acquire when there is already a
solid previous foundation; wisdom does not therefore suddenly occur a product
of aging.How does aging affect these issues? The nature of social transactions
does change with age. The nature of understanding and using new knowledge
changes with age. Although elsewhere in the chapter it is stated that research
shows that personality does not change, we cannot be sure that this is
absolutely reliable information and models of wisdom do tend to show a
relationship between knowledge, personality, and action.
Centers for the study of
normal aging and development, such as the Foley Center in Milwaukee based
at the Medical College of Wisconsin, are becoming more common. They have
tended to concentrate in the main on cognitive factors, although more recently
some very significant work has been done on personality and what happens
to personality throughout the life span.
The Baltimore Longitudinal
Study of Aging (BSLA), which is now past its thirty-fifth birthday and
still grows and changes, has contributed a great deal to the biomedical
literature on aging and, as its staff states, findings have helped change
aging research, clinical practice, and the way aging is viewed. The study
was almost fortuitous, in that it originally formed a group of patients
for research on measurements of an enzyme that was predictive of prostate
cancer. As more people came back and more new ones came in, the research
began to involve a measurement of physical fitness and physical decline.
Later on, there was an approach to what was called the aging mind. The
work done was related primarily to cognitive features, although coincidentally
it was discovered that mental skills probably decline much less than
believed.
However their most important
finding was the stability of personality over the life span. Also, the
study has examined the aging spirit. In the GRC’s Laboratory of Personality
and Cognition one stereotype after another has exploded . As BLSA participating
age, they are not more conservative or cranky or prone to complaining about
their health than they were when young. The five-factor model of personality
was used which measures neuroticism, extroversion, openness, agreeableness,
and conscientiousness. The dimensions of neuroticism and extroversion were
found to be powerful predictors of psychological well-being; it was also
found that “the ability to cope with stress does not decline with age”
- at least according to the data. Wisdom as a specific aspect of the study
was not discussed, although it can be read into the implications of those
with stable personalities.
In contrast to the Baltimore
studies, more recent findings that have not yet been published tend to
indicate that in fact some degree of isolation and obsessionality may be
protective as far as the life span is concerned, and in fact may contributory
factors to wisdom. The belief here is that some guardedness leads to taking
precautions and care living. Developing observational features about life
in general is one part of a looser definition of the development of wisdom.
Birren (1990) has explored
the creative potentials and activities of senior scholars. Birren did a
study in which he discussed the productivity of thirty and forty-year-old
scholars. He then asks questions such as, “Should the emeritus professor
be provided with an office and secretarial support, and access to laboratory,
to continue research?” (p. 28). He states that “the scholarly career is
odd in that it tends to bring about its own demise. That is, the quest
for knowledge implies the goal of eventually rendering one’s own knowledge
obsolete”.
There have been notions
that there are cycles in the academic world of senior scholars and that
periods of research and scholarship expand and contract, which results
in a considerable amount of diversity - a lot of it depending upon individual
variations in health.
He then comments, however,
that health has been overemphasized in this group and, quoting research
done in Sweden, he states that physical changes associated with advancing
age “do not become a predominant limiting feature of life for most persons
until 85 years of age, and may occur even later for some academics”
(p. 28).
This is extremely important
thinking; he goes so far as to suggest that “academics have a preferred
way of life with regard to life expectancy” ( p. 29). He believes that
academics are information seekers with less “exposure to noxious
conditions of the environment. Thus, senior scholars, with long life expectations
and living a favorable lifestyle, are not typical of the average trends
in the population” (p. 29).
The point is that senior
scholarship and productivity may not only be possible, but may be common
up to the age of eighty. It can be quite tragic for scholars to leave universities
too young-say, age fifty-five.
The encouragement of scholarship
must occur throughout the life span, with the enabling of senior scholarship
to the benefit of both the individual and society.
Although an attempt has
been made to define wisdom above, when one looks at different definitions
and concepts of wisdom, perhaps the best one can do is to call wisdom a
variety of human behaviors.
Sternberg (1990) examined
wisdom from many different perspectives, from the cognitive trait of ability
to problem-solve to more complex characteristics influenced by affective
and motivational elements. Sternberg (along with Birren) comments that
the older scholar may also show wisdom through an increasingly desirable
balance in behavior, in which rash and impulsive acts diminish and interest
in analyzing the broader significance of events and behavior, rather
than merely participating in them, grows. Another aspect of productivity
is the fact that the wise older person can become an affective mentor of
the young (p. 37).
Mentorship
Mentorship as an aspect of
wisdom is well recognized. Older scholars, if supported, are generally
more loyal to academic principles, bring with them a depth of experience,
and understand academic values (which are particularly important nowadays
when traditional academic values are being reconsidered and questioned).
Older scholars willing to talk and reason about these values.
Smith, Dion and Baltes (1985)
state that “clearly, wisdom-related knowledge does not include only aspects
of information search but also aspects of advice giving and judgment” (p.
16). Information searching seems to be an important aspect of a research
measurement for wisdom; it was found that reserve capacity
for average intellectual functioning goes on at least into the sixties.
With aging “there is often change in structure of life goals, from school-related
performance to pragmatic skills.” With aging, “increased vulnerability
and decreased maximum levels of performance” occur. On the other hand,
these investigators believe that this can be balanced by “selective optimization
of functioning” (p. 16).
Meacham’s (1983) paper “Wisdom
in the Context of Knowledge; Knowing That One Doesn’t Know” mentioned previously,
makes the point that “the relationship between the constructs of intelligence
and knowledge, on the one hand” (p. 111), and its social and historical
context, on the other, can only be understood by producing interpretations
that give meanings to the behaviour. Interpretations are affected by their
historical settings. Thus intelligence and knowledge have different meanings
in different situations. If one accepts this, then the problem of doing
reliable research becomes evident. Research will be based upon the values
and interpretations used at a particular age or in a particular society.
No matter how scientific the presentation, the context of history and developmental
knowledge changes the findings and definitions of knowledge and wisdom.
Optimism and pessimism
Clayton (1975), in her paper
“Erikson’s Theory of Human Development As It Applies to the Aged:
Wisdom as Contradictive Cognition,” seems to have a pessimistic view, The
paper is a nice discussion of Erikson’s ideas about human devlopment
including wisdom. Other authors who have commented on some of the same
issues as Erikson are mentioned and the author seems to conclude that there
really are no wise men.
She states:
“It should be evident that
the interest in wisdom is tantamount to a search for the reasons why many
individuals do not seem to reach the last stage of development in
Erikson’s model. Perhaps the reason we do not seem to find many wise old
men is that the most people fail to develop solutions which are appropriate
to the crises they encounter as they chronologically age. That is, few
individuals successfully resolve the last developmental crisis because
they remain fixated at earlier stages” (p.126).
She feels that the blockage
is probably most common in the adolescent years and that the adolescent
years now are more conflict-laden then they were some years ago. Thus,
we have a view that would cause us to see less wisdom in our elderly
than in a previous ages. This view is in contrast and contradictory to
other’ and this author’s view.
People often make choices
that have to do with ways of moving on and compromising. Seldom are conflicts
completely resolved before movement along the life span continues.
Clayton states that complete crisis resolution is unrealistic. Perhaps
if crisis resolution occurred, wisdom could not develop; perhaps some crisis
needs to be left unresolved for wisdom to grow.
Harry Prosen
Professor and Chairman of
the Dept. of Psychiatry of the Medical College of Wisconsin |