Year XVII n.04-01

 

 

 

 

 

Livio Caputo

The third pillar of world economy has never recovered from the bursting of the speculative bubble of the Eighties and has become the “sick man” of our age.

For decades now, world economy has been supported by three pillars: the USA, Europe and Japan. All the rest of the world depends on the health of these three hefty economic blocs which generally speaking have always taken it in turns to play locomotive. Now the US motor, which dominated the Nineties, has broken down and that of Europe is finding it hard to run at full speed, but the country causing the greatest concern is Japan, which for the past ten years has been involved in a political-economical-financial crisis that appears without solution and which, according to latest available information, now risks taking a very dangerous negative turn. Some people even fear that Japan’s decline is irreversible, leaving a vacuum that no other country, or bloc of countries is for the time being able to fill. There was a time, in the Seventies and Eighties when Japan looked all set to become the world’s number one economic power, able to shift the centre of growth from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Its model of consociate capitalism, based on close cooperation between companies, banks and the state on the one side and on a deep-rooted bond between companies and workers on the other, continued to work like clockwork even when Europe was torn by the winds of ’68 and the USA was struggling in the coils of successive recessions. Branded fifty years ago as mere imitators, during those years the Japanese became world leaders, or at least they won themselves a place in the sun in many industrial sectors, from optics to ship-building, from cars to motorbikes, from computers to radio and television. The annual growth rate was for a long time nearly double that of the other major industrial countries, per capita income sailed past that of Europe, the banks became the largest in the world, and Japan not only became the largest creditor country in the world, but also the prime-mover of the enormous growth of South-East Asia. “Made in Japan” became synonymous with quality. Sony, Hitachi, Nikon, Toyota, Honda and hundreds of other Japanese industrial giants invaded world markets with their products. At a certain stage the flow of yen towards the USA was even essential in sustaining that country’s economy. The value of land in the large urban centres soared to incredible heights, to the extent that at a certain point it was calculated that if the imperial Park around which Tokyo has been built were put up for sale, it would be worth the whole of California put together. The Stock Exchange in turn, went up and up and up, without taking into account the indicators that normally affect stock quotations. A vicious circle was created. To buy new shares, convinced that the boom would never stop, people borrowed money from the banks, offering in exchange real-estate at unrealistic prices. Meanwhile, the economic financial leadership, virtually outside the control of the shareholders, made mistake after mistake, something that later proved to be fatal: bad investments, easy loans for shaky initiatives, employment of excess personnel. Even today, many banks continue to be burdened down with debts due, dating back to that period - some speak of two hundred and forty thousand billion lira -which heavily affect their business and which cannot be cancelled without the risk of crushing bankruptcies. Then, one awful day eleven years ago - to be precise, 29 December 1989 - the speculative bubble burst and the Stock Exchange, with selling fuelled by people who had to pay off debts, started its unstoppable decline from a Nikkei index peak of 38,000 to the current level of around 13,000. The market literally caved in and everyone ended up so much poorer. But above all, as the paper capital of entire families went up in smoke, one of the factors went missing that more than others had contributed to the extraordinary growth that had continued without interruption for a generation: the faith Japanese people had in themselves, the sense of mission that prompted people to work hard for 365 days a year. Of course, the country is still an industrial superpower, with a persistent huge balance of payments surplus and products that lead the way in many fields. But the “QUID” is no longer there that kept it one step ahead of the others, nor is that team spirit that, in the better years, had inspired the term “Japan Inc.”. During the nineties in fact, while the other countries, especially the USA, were quickly making up lost ground, Japan never recovered from the blow. Starting in 1990, we have witnessed as series of deep crises interrupted by ephemeral periods of recovery, which successive governments have in vain tried to fuel with public spending that increases year after year. By now, the balance of trade deficit amounts to 8% of the GDP (the Maastricht parameters only allowed 3%), public debt exceeds 150% (Italy, the black-sheep of the EU touches 110%) and Moody’s has been forced to downgrade the country twice in the course of two years. If all this has not so far led to a crack, it is only because, with a very low rate of discount, which last month was even cancelled out altogether, servicing the debt is fairly cheap, and because half the bonds are in the hands of banks and financial institutes which, like in the Italy of old, are forced to keep them. The general public, having burnt its fingers in the Stock Exchange, suspicious of anything foreign and scared by an uncertain future, has been quite content to finance the deficit, despite the meagre earnings on their money. But this ongoing tendency to loan money to the State has been dearly paid for on other fronts. To the drastic drop in capital earnings, the Japanese have reacted by curbing consumption and thus preventing any recovery of the domestic demand without which further growth is out of the question. It is becoming pretty obvious that the record per capita income shown by statistics is in actual fact an optic illusion because in Tokyo a peach costs 10 thousand lire, a meal in a good restaurant 250 thousand lire, a return first-class ticket on a fast train to Osaka 750 thousand lire, and the lifestyle of the average Japanese is, by and large, lower than that of Europeans. In a western country, the situation would have been remedied by fostering competition and trying to lower prices. The Japanese industries on the other hand reacted by forming cartels, and the government shied off opening the country’s doors to foreign products. State protectionism (which often, to escape the wrath of the World Trade Organisation, takes the guise of rules on product safety and the safeguarding of health) and the tyranny of distribution systems still continue to ward off Americans and Europeans in many sectors, or else they are confined to niche markets. This peculiarity is especially evident for food products because the liberal-democrat party owes its over fifty years in power to votes from the country and to the farm lobbies that block all attempt at reform. It has been calculated that were Japan to open its markets to Mediterranean citrus fruits, to Argentine beef and to Thai rice, the cost of living index could drop by as much as 10%. Not even a return to Keynesian policies, abandoned by the rest of the world, has managed to set the machine back in motion. Thousands of billions have been invested in public works of doubtful usefulness, aimed more at keeping an obsolete but still very important manufacturing industry on its feet (and generating bribes) than modernising infrastructures. Though money now costs nearly nothing, private enterprise, which is still afflicted by an excess production capacity that forces it to painfully reorganise, continues to play the onlooker. Despite Japan remaining a major industrial power, with a huge balance of payments surplus that is likely to grow even further following the devaluation of the yen, the country is urgently in need of a series of deep reforms which a mediocre political class, without leaders and always involved in anachronistic internal feuds, is unable to implement. The “Japanese model”, once envied by everyone, is in fact showing itself to be inadequate for an historical age that above all requires enterprise, flexibility, technological innovation and business agility. It is of course true that, compared to ten years ago, “deregulation” has taken important strides forward in Japan as well and that the Internet revolution is beginning to produce some results in that country too, but the reorganisation process, both in the state and private sectors (especially the mature sectors, dominated by the large conglomerates) still remains too cumbersome and affected by the “strong powers”. It is also - and perhaps above all - a question of culture. Japan was once the home of “lifetime jobs” of the symbiosis between company and workers. Even though this rule applied in fact to just one fourth of the workforce employed by the larger companies, it profoundly affected not only company philosophy but also lifestyles and the pension system. The crisis has changed this situation somewhat, but for many people “mobility” is still a dirty word and to take away an executive from a competitor company by offering him a higher stipend is still “just not done”. A US-style labour market is not only rejected - as in Europe - by the unions, it is considered alien to national customs, based on continuity and solidarity. Another handicap consists in the scarce inclination of the average Japanese for business enterprise and risk. Unlike Italy, where medium and small businesses have always represented the prime-mover of the economy and offset loss of jobs in the larger industrial concerns, the fortunes of Japan are still firmly in the hands of the majors, which have spread their names throughout the world and which use the smaller enterprises as suppliers, sacrificing them as the need arises. The new economy on the other hand requires something different, which in Japan is lacking. Despite the country’s advanced technology and long experience in the sector, it still has no Silicon Valley and neither has it produced a Bill Gates. Many observers pinpoint the roots of the problem in the severe and selective school system which, notwithstanding all its advantages, does not encourage Japan’s young people to think for themselves and shoulder responsibility. When it comes to working as a team, of staying in the office until late at night and perhaps sacrificing holidays on the altar of duty, the Japanese still beat their European colleagues (but not the Koreans or Taiwanese, who have become their competitors and rivals). In an age that favours original initiatives and free-lance work, they feel uneasy. Nor have the Japanese, who before the boom period immediately after the war lived in virtually total isolation, yet assimilated all the rules of globalisation; and sometimes, it seems, they have missed the train. None of the governments that have succeeded one another over recent years, with a speed worthy of our First Republic, has had the courage to take the bull by the horns, and whenever they tried, they were stopped by a Parliament dominated by “established interests” and mined by endemic corruption. Now even Prime Minister Mori has resigned, after his popularity rating fell to 10%, but despite this, prospects are not brighter. Turning inside out like a glove a Country where, by tradition, everything must be done by consent, is practically a superhuman task. And many people, in Tokyo and elsewhere are beginning to fear that instead of being the century of Japan, as was presumed ten years ago, the 21st could be that of China. (traduzione Interpres sas-Giussano)