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Twenty-five
years after the restoration of democracy, Spain, governed by the Centre-Right,
has become the most dynamic country in the European Union. At the beginning
of December, at the end of the celebrations for Juan Carlos’ Silver
Jubilee, newspapers all over the world announced that Spain, for the
first time in history, had won the Davis Cup: it really was the icing
on the cake for a country which in the last quarter of a century since
the return to democracy has covered in record time all the phases of
progress and stands out today as the most dynamic country in the European
Union.
The
bloody civil war that took place during the second half of the 30’s
and ended with Francisco Franco’s victory seemed to have drained all
its remaining vital forces.
Although
it remained nonbelligerent in World War II, it did not succeed, despite
American protection, in taking part in the great reconstruction process
which later involved the rest of Europe, and when it was finally admitted
as a Union member, it seemed to be doomed to be the tail-ender for quite
a while. In fact, twenty years have been sufficient to radically change
the scene. Who should take the credit for this miracle? At the cost
of being accused of revisionism, from a historical point of view it
is right to also acknowledge Francisco Franco’s role.
The
late dictator may boast at least a couple of points in his favour: first
of all - with the aid of the Opus Dei technicians - he started introducing,
ever since the 60’s, a number of economic reforms which have enabled
the country to come out of immobilism; secondly, he named and brought
up as his successor young Juan Carlos of Bourbon, who, in his capacity
as constitutional monarch, was able to control with great balance the
transition from dictatorship to democracy, and amongst other things
he successfully foiled, with his ascendance, a military coup attempted
by nostalgic officers. Without Franco’s decision, upon his death Spain
would have found itself without a reference point, with the risk of
again being plunged into fratricidal war between the right and left
wings.
At
the same time, honour should be given to the Spanish political class
as a whole, which has handled the instauration of democracy in an almost
exemplary manner.
The
praise should be extended to everyone: the moderate technocrats who,
under the direction of Adolfo Suarez and Calvo Sotelo, took over the
reins of the country in the immediate post-Franco period, and laid the
constitutional foundations for a quick return to normality; the socialists
led by Felipe Gonzales who, after winning the 1982 elections, governed
pragmatically and seriously for 14 years; the conservatives led by Fraga
Iribarne who, without disorderly reactions, skilfully prepared the return
match, which they won in 1996 with Josè Maria Aznar.
Parliament
also found a constitutional formula capable of administering to the
strong separatist drive coming from Catalonia and the Basque Country,
by granting these all the autonomy consistent with the unity of the
State: on the one hand, this has restored goodwill between Madrid and
Barcelona; on the other hand, it has favoured the growth of the Basque
Country into a great industrial centre and has satisfied great part
of the population, but unfortunately it has not succeeded in appeasing
the fury of the ETA extremists.
Autonomy
varies significantly from one region to the other, especially as far
as the financial sector is concerned, and there still are many unfulfilled
urges which, if handled with too much tolerance, could make the central
State unstable.
Another
masterpiece of the Spanish political class has been the use it has made
of Europe: on the one hand it has exploited with extraordinary efficiency
the structural funds made available by Brussels for the most underdeveloped
areas; on the other hand it has succeeded in placing its men in a number
of strategic positions, thus acquiring in Community institutions a significantly
greater role than that played by Italy.
A
considerable part of great Spanish public works, starting from the fabulous
Madrid-Seville High Speed Train, have been financially supported by
Brussels, and the importance of this financial asset has grown so much
that the Aznar government has fought to the death to maintain the veto
power over its use.
During
the year 2001 alone, Spain expects to receive from the European Union
net contributions of approximately 17,000 billion, which are directed
to the eight “objective one” regions, that is those with a per capita
income which is lower than 75% of the European average.
However,
in order to acquire its place in the sun in communitarian Europe and
attain a position in its inner circle, Spain has had to overcome quite
a number of obstacles. Nobody, for instance, would have expected it
to manage to agree to the single currency with its leading group.
The
figures have rewarded Aznar’s efforts: unlike Italy, not only Spain
has complied with all four the famous parameters, but it will even be
able to overcome the budget deficit one year ahead of the deadline.
Ever since the Centre-Right is in power, and has introduced a number
of new liberalising rules which Gonzales had been unable to force on
his majority, Spain has been growing at a rate of 4% per year, it has
created 2 million new jobs and has reduced the impact of public expenditure
on GDP from 49 to 42 per cent. The recovered vitality of the Spanish
economy can also be appreciated in its opening towards foreign countries.
Up to not too long ago, Spain was an importer of foreign capital, from
European, American and Asiatic countries, and multinational companies
controlled many of its industries. Its main source of hard currency
was represented, as in certain developing countries, by the revenues
of tourism. But in the 90’s the Madrid industrial and financial sectors
decided to broaden their field of action, by setting out to “conquer”
that Latin America which used to be subject to the Spanish kingdom and
which still has language and customs in common with its motherland.
Today, Spain is the chief European partner of Argentina, Venezuela,
Mexico and Chile in the banking, telephone and energy sectors, second
(not even everywhere) only to the United States. The entrance in the
EU has also deeply influenced customs, and has led to changes which,
under different circumstances, would have taken a century. Spain, which
used to be a country that pre-eminently believed in men’s superiority,
has now become a paradise for women, who are today extremely active
in politics, in business and in the university sector, and represent
now 60 per cent of students’ population. Although the “movida” age,
which had attracted to Madrid young people from all over Europe, is
now over, there still is a sexual freedom that is quite unusual for
a catholic and Mediterranean country, and a use of drugs which is definitely
alarming. Outwardly the greatest looser in this evolution is the Church,
which in Franco’s time used to exercise an enormous influence over the
population, whereas now the number of church-goers continues to decrease
from year to year, especially in town, and the Commandments are manifestly
violated. Exactly like Italy, over the last decade Spain has changed
from an emigration country into an immigration country, and shares the
same problem, represented by long coasts to be protected from the assault
of illegal immigrants. In Spain, like in Italy, with the arrival of
affluence, young people have started rejecting the most menial and least
remunerative jobs, and despite an unemployment rate which is still above
13%, several sectors of economy, starting from agriculture, have been
forced to hire Moroccan workers in order to go on. If we are to name
the Achilles’ heel of the new Spain, this is school. Compulsory education
has been brought up to the age of 16 and Universities churn out a great
number of graduates every year, but young people’s qualifications do
not always meet actual working requirements. This results in a high
level of intellectual unemployment and in shortage of personnel in informatics,
tourism and other basic activities for the country. The Spanish prime
minister Aznar, a retired revenue inspector who does not talk much and
has reserved manners, has at his disposal, since last year, absolute
majority at the Cortes, and therefore no longer depends, as in his first
four years of government, on the support of the Catalane and Basque
nationalists. This will enable him to speed up reforms and modernise
the sectors that are still behind. What really worries him is the fact
that Spain has not yet been able to get rid of ETA terrorism. The Basque
are, on the whole, privileged citizens, with a pro capita income which
is above the national average, an autonomy which is in no way inferior
to that of Trentino-Alto Adige, schools and media which teach and spread
their own (incomprehensible) language. Still, there is a minority of
them who continues to kill - there have been twenty-one victims during
the year 2000 alone - for an independence which only one fifth of the
population desires. A folly that no one has been able to eradicate,
a stain on the reputation of a country that, as far as everything else
is concerned, deserves the highest score. (traduzione Interpres sas-Giussano)
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